Click the following link for a safe PDF copy: Abū Mārīyah al-Qaḥṭānī — What Is the Benefit of Burning the Turkish Flag?
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Click the following link for a safe PDF copy: Dr. Sāmī al ‘Uraydī — Between ‘No Reconciliation’ And ‘Yes, It Is Valid’
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Click the following link for a safe PDF copy: Hay’at Taḥrīr al-Shām’s Department of Political Affairs — Commenting On the Statements of the Turkish Foreign Minister Cavusoglu
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On July 10, a United Nations vote will decide the future of the cross-border aid mechanism for northwest Syria, an area run by the jihadist group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). The mechanism—which facilitates aid to northwest Syria via Turkey without having to go through Damascus—faces the prospect of nonrenewal for the first time since it was created in 2014, as a consequence of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. A failure to renew the mechanism would exacerbate an already daunting humanitarian situation in northwest Syria, where some three-fourths of the population consists of internally displaced persons (IDPs). While aid will likely continue on a far more limited basis if Russia vetoes the mechanism, from a U.S. perspective a more self-reliant HTS-run territory requiring less international assistance would actually be far preferable to a situation in which aid renewal remains subject to periodic dramas.
Over the past roughly six years, HTS has transformed itself from an al-Qaeda branch into something resembling a typical regional state governing body, with the group engaging in human rights violations and embracing inflammatory rhetoric. To begin with, it has focused increasingly on developing local institutions and the economy. The group’s strides in governance have been facilitated, in part, by the March 2020 Turkey-Russia ceasefire agreement, which more or less froze the conflict line. Since then, HTS leader Abu Muhammad al-Jawlani has reiterated the value he places on self-sufficiency and constructing a new polity and society that does not rely on outside help. If HTS and its civilian-led Syrian Salvation Government (SSG) actually followed through on Jawlani’s ideas, locals could find other avenues to support themselves. Yet one must acknowledge at this point that HTS has not matched its lofty rhetoric with efforts to develop indigenous capabilities. Instead, it has worked hard to monopolize economic power.
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Since the Taliban took over Kabul last August, the group has sought international recognition for its Islamic Emirate in Afghanistan. When Taliban forces first held the country from 1996 to 2001, only Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates recognized their rule. Today, no government has officially done so.
On March 13, however, Turkish foreign minister Mevlut Cavusoglu told the Antalya Diplomacy Forum that humanitarian aid on its own cannot adequately address Afghanistan’s problems, and that countries should offer diplomatic recognition of the Islamic Emirate as well—the first time a foreign political leader has publicly called for this step. The remark was delivered in the context of Turkey and Qatar reportedly nearing a deal with the Taliban to run the international airports in Kabul and other cities.
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In the name of Allah, the Most Beneficent, the Most Merciful
Honorable participants of Antalya Diplomatic Forum,
I would like to start off by thanking President of the Turkish Republic, His Excellency Regip Teyyep Erdogan, and my honorable brother, the Minister of Foreign Affairs Mevlut Cavusoglu for bringing us all together through this initiative, the Antalya Diplomatic Forum.
The theme of this Forum ‘Recoding Diplomacy’ was truly striking for me, because despite the presence of thousands of diplomatic missions and hundreds of thousands of diplomats across the globe – the existence of wars and its detrimental effect on lives and livelihoods in multiple states, and the failure of diplomacy by countries and the world order in preventing and finding just resolutions to conflicts, along with the hand of negative diplomacy in igniting, escalating and broadening wars indicates that there exists a profound flaw in the current form of diplomacy, and there exists a genuine need to review the present methods and constructs of diplomacy.
This deep flaw in diplomacy can rightly be understood by a country like Afghanistan which has suffered from the detrimental effects of four decades of conflict.
We believe diplomacy should not be employed to legitimize wars, but to prevent outbreak of violence. It should not be a mere tool to promote the ideologies and interests of great powers, rather it should be utilized to protect the sovereignty, identity and legitimate interest of all countries without taking into account their military might. We believe that diplomacy should not only be a necessity for the weak, but also a requirement for great powers.
It was on this exact basis that in the year 2001 our late leader, Amir-ul-Mumineen Mullah Muhammad Umar Mujahid, proposed dialogue with America, but the then US administration was adamant about a military invasion. Armed struggle against an armed invasion was our duty and a necessity. But in spite of that, when the United States elected talks in 2010, interactions revived and sincere diplomacy was pursued, an agreement was struck on the 29th of February 2020 resulting in withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan and an assurance to the world that the territory of Afghanistan would not be used against others.
Honorable participants,
We continue to pursue the path of diplomacy and dialogue with all parties even after the developments of 15th of August 2021. We have announced an amnesty to all our political and military rivals and have implemented such in practice. We have maintained sincere engagement with all those countries that waged a war inside our country for twenty years.
Afghanistan seeks to turn a page on the past and move forward in tandem with the world on the basis of understanding, legitimate mutual interests and cooperation. As we again reassure all regional and world governments that the territory of Afghanistan will not be used to threaten international peace and security, we look forward to reciprocal treatment from other countries.
As a nation coming out of a four-decade conflict, we seek cooperation of world countries in building a politically stable and economically self-reliant Afghanistan, and we also seek their assistance in the unconditional release of Afghan central bank reserves and an end to all economic sanctions on Afghanistan.
In parallel to expressing our appreciation for humanitarian assistance to the people of Afghanistan by friendly nations, we request world countries to extend development aid to Afghanistan to lay the foundations of a durable economy.
With comprehensive security, end of corruption and blessing of a committed government, Afghanistan stands ready to become the beacon of peace and a center for regional economic connectivity and prosperity through implementation of mega economic projects.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Afghanistan, through diplomacy, will remain your partner in all positive actions and will accompany you in promoting loftier accepted diplomatic principles.
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Click the following link for a safe PDF copy: Hay’at Taḥrīr al-Shām — Condemnation and Denunciation of the Killing of Civilians and Children on the Syrian-Turkish Border
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Click the following link for a safe PDF copy: Sarīyat Anṣār Abū Bakr al-Ṣidīq — Clarification About the News of the Arrest of the Brother Aḥmad al-Jāssim
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يحاول الكثيرون التعلق بأمل العلاقة الجيدة بين الإمارة الإسلامية في أفغانستان بقيادة طالبان وبين تركيا، والأمل ما زال موجوداً، لأن النفَس السني سريع النسيان ومتسامح، والخطاب الديني المصنوع من خلال وحدة التاريخ يقرب كثيراً من وجهات النظر، ويدعو للتسامح والنسيان، بخلاف النفس الأوروبي النصراني، ويشهد لهذا ما انتشر من صور مواجهة نفس حاقدة مصنوعة تاريخياً بين انجلترا وإيطاليا
النَفس السني متسامح ينسى بسرعة، وهو شيء حسن في بعض جوانبه، لكن أن لا يصل لمخالفة قوله صلى الله عليه وسلم: لا يلدع المؤمن من جحر واحد مرتين، ولذلك فإمكانية التقارب التركي الطالباني ليس بعيداً، حتى بعد هذه المواجهة الطالبانية ضد الموقف التركي الذي لم يحترمها، ولم يرد أن يدخل البيت من بابه الطالباني، وهو الباب الشرعي القادم وتحاوله طالبان بقوة.
لكن السؤال: لماذا هذا الإحتقار التركي لطالبان؟ولماذا الإبتعاد عن إمارة تبدو منتصرة في إقرار حكمها لأغلب أفغانستان، والإصرار على التعامل وكأنها غير موجودة؟
ما أكتبه قراءة سريعة، ولكن الموقف التركي من طالبان ليس جديداً، وإغلاق باب التعامل معها أو الإتصال بها موقف قديم، ولذلك قد يبعد هذا تفسير المناورة المتفق عليه بينهما، ليبدو المشهد مغايراً عما يمكن أن يكون مستقبلاً.
أنا أستبعد تفسير المناورة المتفق عليها، والحقيقة أن تركيا في مأزق من شقين: شق يتعلق بقراءتها للمستقبل، وشق يتعلق بقوميتها، وهناك أمر آخر أؤجل الحديث عنه.
ما يتعلق بقراءة المستقبل، فإني أعتقد أن تركيا تظن أن سيطرة طالبان على أغلب أفغانستان مشكوك فيه، وعليه موانع كثيرة، وتصريحات قادة القوات الأمريكية في كل لحظة وإلى هذا اليوم تطمئن حلفاءها أن الحكومة العميلة ستصمد كثيراً أمام طالبان.
أمريكا خرجت وقد تركت ألف مشكلة هناك، بنيت من خلال الأعراق خاصة والرؤية السياسية بعد ذلك، ولذلك فقنابل التفجير جاهزة للعمل ضد طالبان، ومن كل الجهات، وكون تركيا ضمن الحلف الأمريكي عند غزو أفغانستان فهي تعيش التصور الأمريكي في هذا الباب.
لا يبعد عودة طالبان كحالة داخلية ترهق الجميع وتستنزفه، وتشغل طالبان تماماً، حتى يتهيأ موقف آخر.
أظن أن تركيا انحازت للفتنة ضد طالبان بقراءتها الغربية لما سيأتي.
أما الشق الآخر لتفسير الموقف، ومحاولة فهمه، فأظن أن عرقها التركي مع الأوزبكي في الشمال هو من سيحكم الحالة التركية، حتى لو كان التقويم للمستقبل خلاف ما تقدم، فهي تريد لقوميتها مكانا أكثر حضوراً مما تعطيه طالبان، وهذا يعني انحياز لخصوم طالبان، إما بوضع ما هي عليه في صف خصومها، وإما استخدام موقعها للضغط على طالبان لتحقيق قسمة أفغانستان بين قوميتها وطالبان.
يعني هذا أن العرق التركي غلب وانتصر، وبعد العرق يأتي المذهب وغير ذلك.
هناك قضية أخرى أشمل من الذي تقدم، وهو اضطراب الموقف التركي، وتردده، وضياع بوصلته مع القضايا، فهو يحسن حيناً، ويفسد أحياناً، يعيش ألف خوف، وهذا يعطله، ويفسد عليه مواقفه، ويمكن تسمية هذا الأمر بالخوف التركي.
حالة خوف من (الحلفاء الإسلاميين) كما يسمون، فتاريخ المتحالف معهم غير ناجحة، ولذلك أنتم ترونهم أي تركيا عادوا لمغازلة السيسي وغيره، ويصنع هذا كل ما تقدم ومعه خيبة الحلفاء السياسيين الإسلاميين، فهم لا يداوون جرحاً ولا يقيمون حقائقا، إذ بمجرد مصيبة واحدة يتحولون للمنافع الشخصية والتجميع المنفعي، صغاراً، لا يعادلون ما تحتاجه المرحلة، فتركيا تخاف السياسيين الإسلاميين بما تراه منهم من تصرفات ومواقف، ولذلك بدأت الهجرة نحو جهة أخرى.
قبل أن تعود تركيا لمغازلة السيسي فعلها قادة التنظيم الدولي ،داعين لنسيان الأحقاد والدماء كذلك،فهل هؤلاء يشد بهم الظهر كما يقولون.
لعل هذه الكلمات مدرج دردشة لا أكثر، فلا تأخذها أكثر من ذلك .
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Everyone is aware that all foreign forces are to withdraw from our beloved homeland on the basis of the Doha agreement – a decision endorsed by the United Nations and the international community as well as welcomed and endorsed by majority of countries including the foreign minister of Turkey who was present at the signing ceremony.
Now as the leadership of Turkey has announced maintaining troops and extending the occupation of our country at the behest and in agreement with America, the following points are worth considering:
1 – The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and the Afghan people maintain historic, cultural and religious bonds with the Muslim people of Turkey. The extension of occupation will arouse emotions of resentment and hostility inside our country towards Turkish officials and will damage bilateral ties.
2 – The decision of Turkish leadership is ill-advised, a violation of our sovereignty and territorial integrity and against our national interests. The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan condemns this reprehensible decision in the strongest terms as it will induce problems between Turkish and Afghan nations. And we strongly urge Turkish officials to reverse their decision due to it being detrimental for both countries.
3 – We consider stay of foreign forces in our homeland by any country under whatever pretext as occupation, and invaders will be dealt with on the basis of the fatwa of fifteen hundred distinguished scholars issued in the year 1422 Hijri Lunar (2001) – a fatwa under which the past twenty-year Jihad has been waged.
4 – We urge the Muslim Turkish people and its astute politicians to raise their voices against this decision because it is neither beneficial for Turkey nor Afghanistan, rather it only creates problems and issues between both Muslim nations.
5 – Our policy remains that we seek good and positive relations with all countries based on reciprocal conduct. We neither interfere in the affairs of others nor allow others to interfere in our own affairs.
6 – We remind Turkish officials that it is better we maintain positive and good relations in light of accepted principles instead of making such ill-advised decisions, to extend hands of cooperation to one another and to adopt common understanding and positions for common challenges and interests.
7 – We had been in contact with Turkish official for some time and held multiple meetings where they assured us that they would not make such a unilateral decision without our approval. The current decision they have made is a breach of their own covenant.
8 – If Turkish officials fail to reconsider their decision and continue the occupation of our country, the Islamic Emirate and the Afghan nation – in line with their religious, conscientious and patriotic duty – will take a stand against them as they have stood against the two-decade occupation, in which case the responsibility for all consequences shall fall on shoulders of those who interfere in the affairs of others and make such ill-advised decisions.
Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan
03/12/1442 Hijri Lunar
22/04/1400 Hijri Solar 13/07/2021 Gregorian
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