New joint statement from al-Qā’idah in the Arabian Peninsula and al-Qā’idah in the Islamic Maghrib and Read Out By AQAP's Shaykh Khālid bin 'Umar Bāṭarfī (Abū al-Miqdād al-Kanadī): "Regarding the Address Titled 'Say to Those Who Disbelieve' Given By the Official Spokesman of al-Baghdādī's Group"

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To inquire about a translation for this video message for a fee email: [email protected]

Jihadology Podcast: Don't Call It a Comeback, AQAP's Been Here for Years

Katherine Zimmerman comes on the show to talk AQAP. Some of the topics covered include:

  • AQAP since the death of Awlaqi and their withdrawal from territory in southern Yemen in 2012
  • The effect of the rise of the Huthis and how the Saudi/Emirati war in Yemen has affected AQAP
  • AQAP’s local outreach and how it compares to what it tried from 2011-2012
  • How drone attacks on AQAP leadership have affected the group
  • The Islamic State’s activities in Yemen and what they mean for AQAP

Links:

The podcast is produced by Karl Morand. If you have feedback you can email [email protected], or find us on Twitter: @JihadPod.
You can subscribe to the show in iTunes, Stitcher, or with our RSS feed.

Download this ep (30MB mp3)

Check out my new article for War on the Rocks co-authored with Patrick Hoover: "What AQAP’s Operations Reveal about Its Strategy in Yemen"

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The recent takeover of Yemen’s fifth largest city of al-Mukalla by al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) highlights the growing strength of the organization. While AQAP has certainly taken advantage of the more chaotic environment as a consequence of the Houthi’s war in the south and the Saudi air campaign, the group has in fact been gearing up its own overt military campaign since last summer. Therefore, even if there is an eventual ceasefire between the Houthis and the Saudis, AQAP will continue fighting and operating on its own terms.
Background
Starting in late July 2014, AQAP made a concerted media effort for the first time to actively report and take credit for its military operations on an almost daily basis. This differed from its past pattern of only commenting on large-scale operations. In part, AQAP did this to bring attention to its new military campaign, two years after it had been kicked out of southern cities by the Yemeni military and local popular committees after governing from the spring of 2011 to the summer of 2012.
As part of this new media effort, AQAP created different Twitter accounts online to push its content, one of them being a news feed called Akhbar Ansar al-Sharia fi Jazira al-‘Arab (Ansar al-Sharia in the Arabian Peninsula News; the name of the feed is derived from a period in 2011 and 2012, when AQAP controlled tracts of territory and adopted the name Ansar al-Sharia in Yemen to circumvent perceptions of toxicity with the AQ brand). This feed has been AQAP’s key mouthpiece for releasing information on its military activities since early August 2014. Through April 21, AQAP has claimed responsibility for 374 attacks, with the vast majority against Houthi (224) and government forces (147).* Therefore, while AQAP has certainly taken advantage of the recent chaos and vacuum created by the Houthi attacks in the south and the Saudi air campaign, the organization had already been involved in a sophisticated military campaign. In many ways, the group is now just exploiting a change in conditions, which will allow them to thrive even more in the same way The Islamic State was able to in Iraq in the lead up to its takeover of Mosul almost a year ago.

AQAP’s Operations
AQAP’s modus operandi is remarkably dynamic. But while the group’s target selection, tactics, and geographic concentration appear fluid, by analyzing its attacks since August particular patterns can be discerned, which themselves offer an opportunity to assess not only the magnitude but also the nature of the threat AQAP poses to security and stability in Yemen.
AQAP attack map
Click here to read more.

Jabār al-Fayfī’s, former member of AQAP, most recent confessions: "Return of the Consciousness 3"

NOTE: Jabār al-Fayfī has been lauded for helping tip the Saudis off to the planned parcel plot late last year. I disagree with this assessment since the dates he left Yemen and when the actual plot occurred there was too much lag time where AQAP could have altered there plans. Gregory Johnsen is skeptical of his involvement in breaking up this plot too, who briefly wrote about this most recent confession from al-Fayfī.

News Yemen reports that al-Qā’idah in Abyan (AQAP) circulated statement denying members were arrested or surrendered

Here are the key points from the News Yemen article:

Al-Qaeda in Yemen has distributed a proclamation in Zinjibar city of Abyan province under the name of “Mujahideen in the Arabian Peninsula,” denying “allegations” of the security authorities that they have arrested 10 al-Qaeda fighters in Lawder, according to News Yemen correspondent in Abyan.
The statement, which was distributed for some mosques, markets and shops in the city, denied press reports that seven members of al-Qaeda were killed and others surrendered to the security authorities in Abyan.
The statement described reports as “media campaign to deform the reputation of al-Qaeda amongst people,” confirming that al-Qaeda still controls the situation in Lawder and mujahideen remain strong,” according to the correspondent of News Yemen in Zinjibar.
The statement called upon what he called their fellow Muslims not to get information from the official media and to get it from “truthful brothers and Mujahideen’s websites on the internet like Al-Fajr Media Center and the network of supporters of the Mujahideen and the Fallujah blog and others.”
The proclamation said that the state of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, it labeled him as “black Ansi”, has launched military and media campaigns against Mujahideen with assistance of U.S. spy planes, asserting that Mujahideen will continue jihad against the “enemies of the religion.”

al-Qā’idah in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) released a new statement: "On the killing of women and Destruction of Homes and Mosques in Valley Ubaida"

NOTE: al-Qā’idah (AQ) has been in Yemen since the late 1990s. As is well known AQ operatives struck the USS Cole in October of 2000. Following that attack and 9/11, the United States and Yemen worked together to suppress and eliminate al-Qā’idah in Yemen or al-Qā’idah in Southern Arabia as they were called then. This mission was successful and by November 2003 that generation of al-Qā’idah members was for all intents and purposes eliminated.
Following the above successes, though, the United States, along with Yemen, took their eyes off preventing a rise in a new generation of al-Qā’idah activists in Yemen. Consequently, in February 2006, twenty-three al-Qā’idah terrorists, including the mastermind of the 2000 USS Cole bombing, escaped from a Yemeni prison.  National security experts have claimed this event as the date when al-Qā’idah’s presence in Yemen started to rise again. Within months of the escape al-Qā’idah was responsible for attacks on oil and gas facilities and culminated in September of 2008 with its attempt to bomb the US Embassy.
Along with the prison escape another important factor behind al-Qā’idah’s reemergence in Yemen is due to the successful counterterrorism efforts by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. As a result, many Saudi al-Qā’idah members fled to Yemen. This led in January of 2009 for the two groups, al-Qā’idah in Yemen and al-Qā’idah in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, to merge into what it is now referred to as al-Qā’idah in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). AQAP has shown it is a force to be reckoned with by its attempted assassination of Saudi Arabia’s Prince Muḥammad bin Nāyef as well as attempts to smuggle weapons into KSA dressed as women and assassinating key local leaders in southern Yemen. Furthermore, AQAP has been linked to the failed Christmas Day attack attempted by ‘Umar Fārūk ‘Abd  al-Muṭallab. AQAP claims they went forth with this attack as a response to the US’ cruise missile attacks against AQ assets on December 17 and 24.


al-Qā’idah in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) released a new statement- “On the killing of women and Destruction of Homes and Mosques in Valley Ubaida”
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GUEST POST: al-Zawahiri’s Line of Succession

As with all guest posts, the opinions expressed below are those of the guest author and they do not necessarily represent the views of this websites administrator and does not at all represent his employer at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

Jihadology aims to not only provide primary sources for researchers and occasional analysis of them, but also to allow other young and upcoming students as well as established academics or policy researchers to contribute original analysis on issues related to jihadism. If you would like to contribute a piece, please email your idea/post to azelin [at] jihadology [dot] net.

Click here to see an archive of all guest posts.

al-Zawahiri’s Line of Succession

By Kévin Jackson

When a U.S. drone strike killed Ayman al-Zawahiri in Kabul almost a year ago, al-Qaida was left yet again to find a new emir, eleven years after the death of its founding leader Usama bin Ladin. Al-Zawahiri had long prepared his organization for this moment though. Back in late November-December 2013, he had sent a missive to Jabhat al-Nusra, then al-Qaida’s Syrian affiliate, conveying that “he would be absent for a time from contact for his security circumstances.” In this message, the Egyptian, anticipating his prolonged absence, devised a formal chain of succession in the event of his demise to prevent a void in al-Qaida’s leadership.

Though dated, al-Zawahiri’s succession plan is still the best primary document to study when reflecting on the outlook of al-Qaida’s leadership as it offers invaluable insight into the mindset of the late emir of al-Qaida regarding his replacement. This transitional period appears especially challenging for al-Qaida. After Bin Ladin’s killing, there was no question that al-Zawahiri was his legitimate heir, whereas today the group does not have such an obvious candidate. Further, public calls to “dissolve al-Qaida” have multiplied within the militant milieu over the past few years, therefore making al-Zawahiri’s replacement even more critical to the Central organization in its quest to keep its affiliates’ loyalty and maintain its global reach.

al-Zawahiri’s Chosen Ones

When he outlined how al-Qaida should handle his demise in 2013, al-Zawahiri had no less than four names in mind for his succession, which he ranked as follows: Abu al-Khayr al-Misri; Abu Muhammad al-Misri; Sayf al-Adl; and Nasir al-Wuhayshi. His first three choices were all fellow Egyptians with a decades-long history in jihad, which stretched back to Afghanistan in the 1980s. A member of al-Qaida’s Shura Council since 2001, Abu al-Khayr had previously acted as “the main coordinator” between al-Zawahiri’s Egyptian al-Jihad group and al-Qaida. He had long been highly regarded and trusted by al-Qaida’s leaders, including Bin Ladin, to the point that he was privy to the 9/11 plotting. For their part, Abu Muhammad and al-Adl held leading roles in al-Qaida’s training, military, security, and external operations committees and were serving in al-Qaida’s Shura Council since the early 1990s. Finally, al-Wuhayshi was the then leader of al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP).

Although al-Zawahiri’s succession plan seemed very Egyptian-centric, it is worth noting that his hierarchy was no different from Bin Ladin’s. In a letter written in September 2010, the latter stated that “Shaykh Abu al-Khayr and Shaykh Abu Muhammad are above our brother (…) Sayf al-Adl”. The difference with al-Zawahiri was that, while Bin Ladin considered that al-Adl had “efforts that would benefit the jihad and the mujahidin […] in the military work”, he did not see al-Adl fit to become the “general manager” or even the deputy manager of al-Qaida, let alone its emir.  

At the time al-Zawahiri was crafting his short list, his first three choices were detained in Iran. He had thereby to rely on his fourth candidate, al-Wuhayshi. Since then, “all the branches of al-Qaida know that [al-Wuhayshi] was deputy to Shaykh Ayman, and practiced his competencies entirely because of the absence of Shaykh Ayman,” according to al-Nusra. The release of an Iranian diplomat held hostage by AQAP in Yemen in March 2015 came to revitalize al-Qaida’s top leadership. Indeed, in exchange for their diplomat’s release, Tehran freed six senior al-Qaida figures, including al-Zawahiri’s three successors. Following his subsequent relocation to Syria, Abu al-Khayr shared with al-Nusra “a letter making clear through it that [he] was the successor to Shaykh al-Zawahiri.” As for Abu Muhammad and al-Adl, the duo remained in Iran, as they “were barred from departing [the country],” all the while overseeing al-Qaida’s affairs.

Five years later though, al-Zawahiri had lost three of his potential successors: al-Wuhayshi was killed in al-Mukalla, Yemen, on June 12, 2015; Abu al-Khayr was killed in Idlib, Syria, on February 26, 2017; and Abu Muhammad was gunned down in Iran’s capital Tehran on August 7, 2020. Al-Adl is thus the only remaining successor picked by al-Zawahiri back in 2013 and the best positioned to take over, at least on paper. In practice, al-Adl’s ascension appears compromised by al-Qaida’s own protocols, as al-Zawahiri specified that his heir must be “in Khurasan or one of the branches of the group.” Besides, al-Adl’s murky status in Iran has already caused his leadership to be contested internally. In Syria, al-Nusra rebuffed what they viewed as the excessive influence of al-Adl and Abu Muhammad precisely because the duo was “present in an enemy country (Iran),” whereas the “organizational principles for al-Qaida itself stipulate that no one can enjoy competencies so long as he is not in one of the branches.” In the aftermath of al-Zawahiri’s death, it was reported that the potential nomination of al-Adl was facing a “large number of opponents” inside the al-Qaida camp, a defiance mostly motivated by his longstanding presence in Iran, which is viewed as highly suspicious within jihadi circles. 

A few months ago, a report from the U.N. Analytical Support and Sanctions Monitoring Team asserted that al-Adl was now “operating as the de facto and uncontested leader of the group.” The aforementioned al-Qa‘ida regulations and criticism about al-‘Adl are no minor hurdles though and should thus warrant caution regarding this claim. Besides, it would not be the first time that he was erroneously labeled as such. Back in 2011, after the death of Bin Ladin, media reports had already claimed that al-‘Adl had been appointed as the new leader of al-Qa‘ida, even though he was then still detained in Iran. The latest U.N.’s report on Afghanistan alleges that al-Adl may have recently relocated to Afghanistan, a development which would significantly help his case. This claim is far from making consensus though. If al-Adl were still in Iran with limited freedom of movement, this would likely be viewed as too problematic by the Central organization for him to be the permanent leader, regardless of his seniority or military acumen.

The Shura Council

Since the death of al-Wuhayshi, Abu al-Khayr and Abu Muhammad between 2015 and 2020, al-Zawahiri has had plenty of time to find new candidates (besides al-Adl) for his replacement. To be sure, operational security has at times hampered al-Zawahiri’s ability to communicate with the outside world. Yet, his private correspondence with his aides, from Syria to Yemen, and his numerous public statements before his killing suggest that his courier network was functional enough for him to relay a new succession plan during that time frame. It is thus doubtful that al-Adl was the only designated successor when al-Zawahiri was killed last year. 

While the latter’s updated short list has been kept secret, it is clear that the members of al-Qaida’s Shura Council will play a pivotal role in this transition. Indeed, the organizational guidelines set up by al-Zawahiri state that if none of his options could take over, then “the brothers in the Shura of the general command are to choose a new amir.” Further, it is most likely within this top al-Qaida’s body that al-Zawahiri took new candidates (besides al-Adl) for his replacement. Here, it is worth remembering that the first three choices of al-Zawahiri for his succession were all part of the Shura, even though their role had long been limited owing to the restrictions they faced in Iran.

Between March and June 2014, each member of al-Qaida’s Shura took an oath to follow al-Zawahiri’s initial succession plan. Today, only two of these six figures appear to be alive: Abd al-Rahman al-Maghribi and Hamza al-Ghamidi.

A former software programming student, al-Maghribi, a Moroccan national, lived in Krefeld, western Germany, before traveling to Afghanistan together with a small group of friends in mid December 1999. Recommended by Karim Mehdi, a German-based Moroccan veteran of al-Qaida’s camps in Afghanistan, al-Maghribi was sent straight to Bin Ladin’s headquarters in Kandahar while his companions were dispatched to a training camp. In Kandahar, al-Maghribi mixed with other jihadis formerly based in Germany, including 9/11 coordinator Ramzi bin al-Shibh and the German convert Christian Ganczarski. Most importantly, al-Maghribi began his longtime career in al-Qaida’s propaganda effort. Described as an “expert in computers” by a close jihadi friend, al-Maghribi was tapped for his background by al-Qaida’s leadership to be part of the group’s media arm al-Sahab, alongside 9/11 mastermind Khalid Shaykh Muhammad (KSM), who headed al-Sahab, and 9/11 facilitator Mustafa al-Hawsawi, among others.

Following the arrest of his boss KSM in 2003, al-Maghribi took over al-Sahab and supervised al-Qa

Articles of the Week – 10/9-10/15

Sunday October 10:

Recalibrating U.S. Counterterrorism: Lessons Learned From Spain – Kim Cragin, Michael Bartlett, and Will Crass, Lawfare: https://bit.ly/3AKKLk3

Can (Salafi) jihadi insurgents politicise and become pragmatic in civil wars? Social movement restraint in Ahrar al-Sham in Syria – Jerome Drevon, Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal: https://bit.ly/3BKVDjd

Terrorism and economic growth in Africa: understanding the role of military expenditure – Chimere O. Iheonu and Hyacinth E. Ichoku, Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression: https://bit.ly/3p4osDy

Becoming a violent extremist: a General Need and Affect model of psychological variables – Helma van den Berg and Dianne A. van Hemert, Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression: https://bit.ly/3BKVI6v

Examining the Outcome of Investigations and Prosecutions of Extremism in the United States – Rachel Yon and Daniel Milton, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism: https://bit.ly/3j0N3W0

Monday October 11:

Counter-terrorism and the repression of Islamic activism: Hizb ut-Tahrir in Britain and Denmark – Richard McNeil-Willson, Journal of Contemporary European Studies: https://bit.ly/3ALbrB8

Tuesday October 12:

Into Darkness? Scrutinizing Economic Explanations for African Jihad – Stig Jarle Hansen, Current Trends in Islamist Ideology: https://bit.ly/3GesWxu

Wednesday October 13:

Unsettling Victory: Storylines of Success and Anxiety in the Coverage of the Decline of ISIS in Three U.S. Newspapers – Stefanie Z. Demetriades, Christina Hagen, Daria Griffin, and Patricia Rile, International Journal of Communication: bit.ly/3iXRtgd

The Schism of Jihadism in the Sahel: How Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State are Battling for Legitimacy in the Sahelian Context – Lina Raafat, Middle East Institute: https://bit.ly/3BKeUkt

Where is AQAP Now? – Elisabeth Kendall, Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies: https://bit.ly/3m2HMiI

Thursday October 14:

The Taliban Can’t Take on the Islamic State Alone – Amira Jadoon and Andrew Mines, War on the Rocks: https://bit.ly/2YXtF5t

Online Regulation of Terrorist and Harmful Content – Jacob Berntson and Maygane Janin, Lawfare: https://bit.ly/3mYcadm

Articles of the Week – 5/9-5/15

Monday May 11:

What Can Work (and What Has Not Worked) in Women-Centric P/CVE Initiatives: Assessing the Evidence Base for Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism – Emily Winterbotham, RUSI: https://bit.ly/360Sblr

Domestic Jihadist Threat to Australia and Canada 2000-2020: An Overview – Shandon Harris-Hogan, Lorne L. Dawson, and Amarnath Amarasingam, TSAS: https://bit.ly/2WClY0J

Tuesday May 12:

The Lure of (Violent) Extremism: Gender Constructs in Online Recruitment and Messaging in Indonesia – Melissa Frances Johnston, Muhammad Iqbal, and Jacqui True, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism: https://bit.ly/2y5p0RD

Terrorism and the Mass Media – Jessica White, RUSI: https://bit.ly/2zE8cl1

Rise O Muwahhid, Wherever You May Be: An Analysis of the Democratization of the Terrorist Threat in the West – Reinier Bergema and Olivia Kearney, ICCT: https://bit.ly/2WTHfSo

Wednesday May 13;

When Measuring ISIS’s “Resurgence”, Use the Right Standard – Sam Heller, ICG: https://bit.ly/2T50Ttu

Women Too: Explaining Gender Ideologies of Ethnopolitical Organizations – Victor Asal, Nazli Avdan, and Nourah Shuaibi, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism: https://bit.ly/3dOQZnG

Iran and Hezbollah’s Pre-Operational Modus Operandi in the West – Ioan Pop and Mitchell D. Silber, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism: https://bit.ly/3dR0D9g

Thursday May 14:

Green Without Borders: The Operational Benefits of Hezbollah’s Environmental NGO – Matthew Levitt and Samantha Stern, Washington Institute for Near East Policy: https://bit.ly/2yP71PP

Shifts in the visual media campaigns of AQAP and ISIS after high death and high publicity attacks – Carol Winkler, Kayla McMinimy, Kareem El-Damanhoury, and Monerah Almahmoud, Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression: https://bit.ly/2y4ykVM

Silencing the Guns in Syria’s Idlib – ICG: https://bit.ly/3bTeDy3

Friday May 15:

The Jihadi-Backed Salvation Government and Covid-19 in Northwest Syria – Aaron Y. Zelin, ISPI: https://bit.ly/3e5cock

Doing Good while Killing: Why Some Insurgent Groups Provide Community Services – Victor Asal, Shawn Flanigan, and Ora Szekely, Terrorism and Political Violence: bit.ly/3dSNfBU

Articles of the Week – 3/21-3/27

Sunday March 22:

Khalid Batarfi and the Future of AQAP – Gregory D. Johnsen, Lawfare: https://bit.ly/2WPd7cy

How Islamist is the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG)? An ideological assessment – Christoph Schuck, Asian Security: https://bit.ly/2UEuHxe

Monday March 23:

Broken, but Not Defeated: An Examination of State-led Operations against Islamic State Khorasan in Afghanistan and Pakistan (2015-2018) – Amira Jadoon and Andrew Mines, Combating Terrorism Center: https://bit.ly/2UoQb2g

Tuesday March 24: 

The Pensacola Terrorist Attack: The Enduring Influence of al-Qa`ida and its Affiliates – Colin Clarke, CTC Sentinel: https://bit.ly/33QNF7O

Dollars for Daesh: The Small Financial Footprint of the Islamic State’s American Supporters – Lorenzo Vidino, Jon Lewis, and Andrew Mines, CTC Sentinel: https://bit.ly/3dB8R6o

Addressing the Enemy: Al-Shabaab’s PSYOPS Media Warfare – Christopher Anzalone, CTC Sentinel: https://bit.ly/3bwS56E

Wednesday March 25:

A Year Since Baghuz, the Islamic State Is Neither Defeated nor Resurging (Yet) – Aaron Y. Zelin, Washington Institute for Near East Policy: bit.ly/2xtFDFJ

Thursday March 26:

Framing the Narrative: Female Fighters, External Audience Attitudes, and Transnational Support for Armed Rebellions – Devorah Manekin and Reed M. Wood, Journal of Conflict Resolution: https://bit.ly/2UF5Klg

Friday March 27:

Radicalisation and travelling to Syria among delinquent youths: A case study from the Netherlands – Rudie J.M. Neve, Frank M. Weerman, Suzan Eris, and Jan Willem van Prooijen, Journal for Dereadicalization: bit.ly/3dwYGj6

‘Muhajirun’ from Austria. Why they left to join ISIS and why they don’t return. – Veronika Hofinger and Thomas Schmidinger, Journal for Dereadicalization: bit.ly/2y8Iapb

What About the Camp Followers – and their Children? – Ian MacVicar, Journal for Dereadicalization: bit.ly/3bpgvia

An Assessment of Returning Foreign Terrorist Fighters’ Commitment to Reintegrate: A Case Study of Kwale County, Kenya – Tina Mykkänen, Journal for Dereadicalization: bit.ly/2UIRIyL

Vicarious Trauma From Online Extremism Research – A Call to Action – Michael Krona, GNET: https://bit.ly/3dRr67I